Between a rock and a hard place: the impact of AntiAmericanism on locally employed staff at the...

Since its ascendance to unrivalled superpower status with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States has become the target of ambivalent feelings from the rest of the world. (1) The 9/11 terrorist attacks were a poignant reminder of how one radical minority perceives the country's power.

Bilateral relations between the U.S. and Korea are at a crossroads. The alliance is being transformed from benefactor-beneficiary relationship to a more equitable partnership. The poor, backward Korea portrayed in the popular TV series M*A*S*H has become the world's eleventh largest economy, and the U.S.'s seventh largest trading partner. The Korean government has been trying to play a correspondingly more active role in its dealings with the U.S. Seoul's efforts to take the driver's seat in solving the current impasse with the Pyongyang regime are a good example. (4) In addition to the nuclear issue, several bilateral issues have contributed to Korean anti-Americanism in recent years. (5) U.S.-Korea relations are a very different ballgame now, and the Korean locally hired staff at the American Embassy often find themselves trapped in the no man's land between popular anti-Americanism and the need to defend their employer's policies.

Methods and Data

This research is qualitative based on more than two years of participant observation in the actual setting. As a senior local staff member at the American Embassy in Seoul, the researcher had numerous opportunities to observe work-related dynamics at very close range. Studying the organization was not her initial intention, (6) but consistent patterns in public perceptions of Korean local hires began to emerge. (7) Informal indepth interviews in daily interactions with American as well as Korean staff and the Korean public were indispensable data sources. Contentious issues and public diplomacy strategies are the bread and butter of the Public Affairs Section, and the researcher participated in strategy planning meetings on various bilateral issues as a senior local staff member. The researcher was in an opportune strategic position to observe and sympathize with both sides. She also used newspaper reports, journal articles, written materials for public consumption such as American Foreign Service Association newsletters and official State Department publications as data sources.

Locally Employed Staff (LES)

The State Department has about 250 American foreign diplomatic missions around the world, and these missions locally hire an assisting labor force of Locally Employed Staff (LES) consisting primarily of foreign nationals. (8) The primary job function of all LES is to assist American diplomats or Foreign Service Officers (FSOs). The American Embassy in Seoul employs approximately 150 FSOs and 350 LES. (9) In the Embassy hierarchy, the LES occupy the lowest rung (see Figure 1).

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

LES occupy a unique place in terms of both the internal labor market and external public perceptions. One of the most idiosyncratic characteristics of their work is its exemption from accountability. The American supervisor bears total responsibility for any performance outcome. Consequently, LES receive no meaningful official recognition for exceptional performance. (10) Instead, the credit goes to the American supervisor. The absence of accountability and recognition constitute a double-edged sword for the LES. On one hand, they are under less pressure to perform in the absence of punitive measures such as reprimand or dismissal. But they also have little motivation to improve on-the-job performance. The prevailing sentiment is, "no matter how hard you try, you will never get the credit, so why bother?"

LES have very limited upward mobility prospects. Once one is hired, there is no guaranteed opportunity for promotion, because all LES positions are dead-end. An annual step increase provides an incremental wage increase, but the rank stays the same unless one is promoted. So they wait for someone in a higher rank to retire or resign. Unless or until that happens, the possibility of promotion is close to zero.

The final salient aspect of LES work is that they are systematically blocked from classified information. Due to the high security concerns of a diplomatic mission, LES are not allowed to access sensitive materials. This leads them to live a working life of "blissful ignorance." (11)

Despite their auxiliary workforce characteristics within the Embassy hierarchy, LES often find themselves at the frontline of bilateral relations. When anti-American sentiments rise in the society, public perception of the LES' Embassy affiliation turns decidedly unfriendly. When the people one lives with do not like one's employer, one's job acquires a high price tag.

Contentious Bilateral Issues (2000-2003)

Several emotionally charged issues have aroused anti-American sentiments in Korea in recent years. The following major issues are Korean perceptions of events rather than factual accounts of them. (12)

* Nogunri Massacre: In 2001, the villagers of Nogunri in Kyungbuk province publicly accused the American military of systematically killing Korean civilians during the Korean War (1950-1953). The accusations were fueled by a documentary on the alleged massacre produced by the British Broadcasting Corporation. An angry Korean public demanded compensation and an official apology for the killings from the American government. While denying the "systematic" nature of the killings, the American government agreed to establish a memorial and scholarship funds.

* Highway 56 Incident: On June 13, 2002, an American military vehicle killed two middle-school girls in Northern Gyunggi province during a routine exercise. When an American military court acquitted the driver and his assistant, there were public demands for revision of the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) between the U.S. and Korea. (13) Candlelight vigils of up to one million participants denounced the SOFA and demanded an official apology from the U.S. president and withdrawal of U.S. forces from Korea. College students attempted to break into the Embassy compound in September 2002, and activists attempted to break into American military facilities around the country.

* Chancery Construction Project: The current American Embassy building in Seoul is generally acknowledged to be both physically and aesthetically inadequate. In 2002, the Embassy announced a plan to relocate to a site that was sold to the American government by the last Korean king at the end of the 19th century. The plan generated controversy among many environmental NGOs, who contended that the site was historically sacred. In response, Seoul City government withheld support for the plan, and members of the National Assembly demanded special hearings, effectively putting the project on indefinite hold.

* Visa Policy: In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, the State Department announced a new worldwide visa policy on June 17, 2003. The tighter policy requires mandatory interviews for first-time student visa applicants and total abolition of referrals from travel agents. More applicants will be required to undergo in-person interviews. The new visa policy is being applied to all American diplomatic missions in the world. Koreans perceive such changes as an indiscriminate and insensitive application of inappropriate standards to countries that pose little threat to the U.S. and a new expression of American xenophobia.

Challenges of Politicized Work

The above-mentioned bilateral issues make the work life of Korean LES at the American Embassy in Seoul challenging. They live with a set of unique challenges including ideological backlash and fear of potential physical attacks. In spite of these job-related challenges, very few LES resign from their positions. The reasons for the low turnover rate include pride in working for a superpower and monetary concerns generated by a tight local labor market. This qualitative case study attempts to show how mundane work can be politicized in an emotionally charged ideological context.

Ideological Backlash

Diplomatic business is often thought to be glamorous, privileged, and secretive, but that perception is far from the reality. Much of the actual work entails protocol logistics, mundane paperwork, intra-and inter-office coordination, and report writing. The illusion of diplomatic glamour gets translated into the work life of LES as well. Recent polls show that Korean job-seekers believe foreign firms to be more equitable and less discriminatory than Korean firms in their treatment of female employees, in following clear-cut pay, promotion and vacation policies, in providing opportunities to learn international business practices, and in maintaining casual and egalitarian working environments. (14) Close observation of the workings of a foreign diplomatic mission, however, contradicts such commonly held notions about foreign workplaces. Situated at the bottom rung of the Embassy bureaucracy, LES have no decision-making power, access to confidential information, or career mobility. The overall workplace atmosphere is rigidly bureaucratic and controlling. (15) And yet, LES often find themselves forced by their professional affiliation into a leading role in American public diplomacy, dealing with innocent as well as aggressively targeted inquiries from other Koreans both on and off the job.

1. Living with a Label

Diplomacy is often equated with espionage. Information gathering and reporting has been a recognized aspect of diplomatic activity for centuries. The LES's position becomes problematic when their fellow citizens perceive them to be mouthpieces for American propaganda and informants to their American superiors. Such perceptions make their work emotionally stressful in times of conflict.

Other Koreans react to the LES at the American Embassy with suspicion, curiosity and caution. One of the responses I get from other Koreans is, "Did you say that you work for the American Embassy? Then you must be like Linda Kim (16)!" A colleague told me how hard it was for him to work for the Embassy because he was perceived to be an American spy: "Before I got this job, I thought people would respect me as an American Embassy employee. To my surprise, they shunned me because they thought I was an American spy." The 'American spy" label creates intricate complications when LES interact with other Koreans, especially in politically tense times.

To some extent, people's perceptions of LES's roles are not an extreme exaggeration. LES are expected to assist American diplomats who may not be able to fully grasp the intimate inner workings of the society. Their limited language skills, (17) relatively brief tours of duty, (18) and lack of deep cultural understanding force FSOs to rely on LES's input, analysis and advice on bilateral issues. Also, the fact that LES are on the U.S. government payroll automatically marks them as pro-American in the eyes of other Koreans. LES, on the other hand, cannot freely voice their disagreements with official policy because that could be considered as ungrateful and insubordinate, given the rigid organizational structure and culture.

2. Living with Physical Peril

Unlike their Korean counterparts in the local civilian sector, LES at the American Embassy have to deal with a unique aspect of their work: physical security at the workplace. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 raised fears that the American Embassy in Seoul might be a target of North Korean terrorism. The chemical terrorism against the American Embassy in Rome and the anthrax scare were additional reminders of the security vulnerability that Embassy employees have to deal with. These external physical threats in the era of global terrorism have added a new dimension to considerations of workplace violence. (19)

The American Foreign Service Association (AFSA) launched an aggressive public campaign highlighting workplace security concerns. An official State Department publication makes a similar point when it asserts that "We are America's first line of defense. We are America's diplomatic work force. We are the people that take on the global challenges of American diplomacy in the 21st century. We are not overseas bureaucrats." (20) Numerous American publications are now acknowledging the perils of diplomatic service. (21) However, LES seem to fall into the cracks between Korean and American jurisdictions with regard to physical safety in the workplace.

Concern for physical safety is deeply embedded in the work environment. From a legal perspective, the physical safety of LES during violent attacks on American premises is not the primary concern of the American government, because they are not American citizens. (22) The main rationale for the Korean government's provision of security assistance to foreign diplomatic missions is to protect diplomats, not Korean local hires. (23)

Despite these concerns, very few LES resign from their Embassy positions. LES turnover rate has been historically and consistently low, and such low turnover rates suggest the relative advantages of Embassy employment compared to alternative employment options in the local labor market. Following are the primary benefits of Embassy employment that trump the aforementioned drawbacks.

Overriding Ideological Backlash: Low Turnover Rates

1. Lack of Alternative Employment Options

The Korean economy has never fully recovered from the 1997 financial crisis. The unemployment rate averaged five percent in 2002. There are many anecdotes of overqualified Koreans applying for very manual Embassy positions such as consular clerk. The tight local job market gives the Embassy an advantage in recruiting and retaining highly qualified workers.

Married female workers make up the majority of local hires at the Embassy, which is often labeled "the Korean women's haven." One human resources officer told me, "This is a good workplace for a married woman. The hours are good, the money is acceptable, and you get to take decent care of your children. This place is not perfect, but good enough for a person like me." Many women believe that they can balance family and work by working at the Embassy. The local market's discriminatory practices against women are another salient reason for the gender ratio at the Embassy. Not only is the selection process more agreeable to women applicants, but the Embassy also provides a second career option for those women who have lost their competitive edge in the private sector. (24)

There is another group of workers who have been working for the organization for an extended period of time. They feel good about the retirement age of 65, which is becoming a rare local practice. (25) They are also proud of their on-the-job expertise that has been accumulated by decades of repetition. The elderly make up another category of workers who stay on. (26)

The final group who stay on are the job hoppers who have had it with Korean companies. They have compared the pros and cons of different workplaces, and hop around in search of something new and better. But they eventually realize their limits as employees--that "you cannot be a man of your own volition." Since they have been there and done that, they have settled down, and stayed on with what they had. They try to enjoy the positive side of the job, and learn to give up on other things that they cannot afford to have. One Embassy vehicle driver said, "It's the same all over. When you work for somebody, you just have to make compromises."

The above-mentioned groups of workers provide an interesting glimpse into the association between job satisfaction and retention. The workers I observed stayed on not because they were satisfied with their jobs, but because they have no better alternatives.

2. Invention of Ingenious Coping Mechanisms

There are two ideological camps among the local hires, pro-Americans and opportunists. Pro-American sentiments among LES seem more prevalent because working for an organization with which one disagrees with for an extended period of time can be emotionally taxing. (27) One female worker said, "Whenever I hear about others criticizing the management's policy, I feel very uncomfortable. They pay us, and we work for them. I am sick of those who complain all the time." Another bluntly characterized her loyalty thusly: "My heart belongs to where the rice bowl lies. At the end of the day, it is the U.S. government that pays for my living. How can I disagree with their policy? I am a grateful person." The management also seems to assume LES's pro-American ideological orientation.

However, another group of LES often surreptitiously voice their disagreement with American policy. When anti-American sentiments peaked over the traffic incident in June 2002, one LES said, "It must be very hard on you. You have to go out and make excuses for the rotten SOFA rules and regulations. How is it possible for these foreigners to come to our country and murder our people? And they can get away with it. I feel really sorry for you. What a job you have!"

3. Pride in Working for the Sole Superpower

With the U.S. the world's dominant power, an affiliation with the American Embassy can be a source of pride. One colleague told me, "I can act like somebody outside, because I work for the American Embassy. No matter what people say, they know that Korea catches cold when America sneezes." Another said, "They [other Koreans] cannot dismiss us too easily because we work for the U.S. Embassy, after all. Those who work for Third World embassies cannot be as proud as us. We are different." Pride of working for the American government is one strong sentiment that attracts and retains local workers.

Conclusion

With the U.S. at the center of the current international crises over weapons of mass destruction and the war on terrorism, the question "Why is America hated?" has a special place in the minds of the foreign local hires of the American government. This case study of Korean local hires employed by the American Embassy in Seoul argues that Korean LES bear the emotional and physical burden of ideological backlash and potential attacks during bilateral conflicts. And yet, the turnover rate is very low due to a tight local labor market, the invention of surreptitious coping mechanisms, and pride in working for the sole superpower.

Even though the Korean LES continue their work with the Embassy due to the tight labor market, organizational compassion is important to maintain workers' commitment. It needs to go beyond the obvious and compelling reasons of humanity. Expressing sympathetic compassion not only lessens the immediate suffering of those who are directly affected by challenges, but also enables them to recover from future setbacks more quickly and effectively. It increases their attachment to their colleagues and hence to the organization itself. (28) Management's expression and demonstration of compassion for LES's emotional stress and physical safety during such trying times could significantly increase their workplace loyalty and organizational commitment. (29)

Notes

(1) "Living with a Superpower," The Economist (January 4th-10th, 2003), pp. 18- 20.

(2) "The New American Empire?" US. News & World Report (January 13, 2003), pp. 35-40.

(3) Anti-American sentiments were rampant under the military dictatorships during the 1970s and the 1980s. Perceived as the supporter of the military juntas, the U.S. was the target of mass protests, and the American Cultural Centers in Seoul, Busan, Gwangju and Daegu were repeatedly attacked. They were finally closed down due to security reasons in the 1990s. "Cookies and Kimchi," The New York Times (January 17, 2003); "Seoul Mates," TNR Online (January 14, 2003); "Checking Kim," National Review (January 27, 2003).

(4) The ongoing nuclear standoff between the Bush administration and North Korea over Pyongyang's nuclear development programs creates more tension on the Korean peninsula. Some South Koreans believe that the Bush administration's hawkish foreign policy is too harsh toward the North, and they perceive the U.S. as an obstacle to inter-Korean reconciliation.

(5) Chung, Jae Ho, "South Korea Between Eagle and Dragon," Asian Survey (41:5, 2001), pp. 777-796; Kim, Dae Jung, 'Anti-American Sentiments and Anti-Americanism," Digital Chosun Ilbo (October 21, 2002).

(6) Adler, Patricia A. and Peter Adler. 1987 Membership Roles in Field Research, pp. 67-84, Newbury Park: Sage Publications.

(7) Lofland, John and Lyn H. Lofland. 1995 Analyzing Social Settings: A Guide to Qualitative Observation and Analysis, pp. 11-15. New York: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

(8) The State Department has 160 Embassies, 78 Consulates, and 10 missions around the world. See Bureau of Human Resources, Department of State, "What is the Role of the Department of State?," Diplomatic Readiness: The Human Resources Strategy, p. 7, Washington D.C.

(9) The staff size of mission varies based on its importance. Some missions are very small with only a handful of staff (e.g., the American Embassy in Auckland, New Zealand), while others can be a huge operation employing more than 1,000 staff (e.g., the American Embassy in Beijing, China).

(10) The Embassy has a public award system for both FSOs and LES. This system, however, is not strictly merit-based. Management tries not to reward the same person too often, and the selection process is often tainted by such publicly proclaimed intentions as rewarding those who work behind the scenes.

(11) For more detailed discussion of this topic, see Kim, Mikyoung, 2003. "The Creation and Maintenance of Bottom-Rung Subcultures Among the Local Hires at a Foreign Government Bureaucracy," Korean Cultural Anthropology 36 (1): 269-303

(12) Bilateral issues often boil down to frustrating conflicts between facts and perceptions, with the American government attempting to disseminate facts and the Korean media enthusiastically disseminating emotionally charged interpretations.

(13) Bilateral issues often boil down to frustrating conflicts between facts and perceptions, with the American government attempting to disseminate facts and the Korean media enthusiastically disseminating emotionally charged interpretations.

(14) The current SOFA exempts American military personnel from prosecution under Korean law for acts committed during official duty.

(15) The current SOFA exempts American military, personnel from prosecution under Korean law for acts committed during official duty.

(16) "Job seekers Flocking to Multinational Firms," Korea Herald (December 31, 2002).

(17) Mikyoung Kim, Ibid.

(18) Linda Kim is woman lobbyist who allegedly offered sexual favors to the influential in order to sell American weapons to the Korean military.

(19) FSOs can study a new language for up to two years, but this is far too short to speak a language like Korean at a comfortable level.

(20) The average tour to Korea is three years, with a possible extension of one more year.

(21) Linda Kim is woman lobbyist who allegedly offered sexual favors to the influential in order to sell American weapons to the Korean military.

(22) FSOs can study a new language for up to two years, but this is far too short to speak a language like Korean at a comfortable level.

(23) The average tour to Korea is three years, with a possible extension of one more year.

(24) Chenier, Errol, "The Workplace: A Battleground for Violence," Public Personnel Management (Winter, 1998), pp. 557-568.

(25) Bureau of Human Resources, Department of State, op. cit.

(26) For example, "Foreign Service: A job to die for" by Vicki Haddock, San Francisco Chronicle--November 3, 2002; "U.S. Diplomat Is Gunned Down Outside His Home in Jordan" by the Associated Press, Wall Street Journal--October 28, 2002; "Nature of the Job Endangers Diplomats" by Paul Richter, Los Angeles Times - October 29, 2002; "Growing Peril to Diplomats" Editorial-Los Angeles Times-October 30, 2002; US diplomat killed in Jordan" by Sana Abdallah and Eli J. lake, Washington Times--October 29, 2002; "Jordan Assassination Reminds US Diplomats Are Vulnerable," Dew Jones Newswires--October 28, 2002.

(27) The following shows that security has become a major issue for the American Foreign Service Association, but the scope is strictly limited to American staff: "SECURITY: HR has assured AFSA that security concerns are at the forefront. Several AFSA members at one post called to say how well employees' security concerns were being addressed. AFSA was pleased to send a kudogram to the Ambassador and his staff. AFSA hopes this applies to all the rest of you as well. Let us and your AFSA rep know if leadership at your post could be more forthcoming with information on security precautions. AFSA believes information is the best antidote to fear. Meanwhile, prudence dictates that those who are likely to be affected by any departure orders prepare in advance. Please check the FLO website for tips on what to do in advance."AFSANET Newsletter, October 11, 2002).

(28) One king-time LES who was attacked by an angry, mob at an American Cultural Center in the 1980s said, "I saw these angry people rushing into the main entrance. The Korean staff had to fight them off while the Regional Security Officer whisked the Americans off to a safe place. That was our job ... taking the bullets from other Koreans for the sake of the American government."

(29) Chosun llbo, January 3, 2003.

(30) Many Koreans employed in the private sector feel pressured to resign once they reach the age of 45 (DongA llbo, September 9, 2003, B2).

(31) Carol Ann Traut and Steven H. Feimer, "Hanging On or Fading Out?: Job Satisfaction and the Long-Term Worker," Public Personnel Management, 2000, 29(3): 343-351.

(32) Coutu, Diane L., "The Anxiety of Learning," Harvard Business Review (March, 2002), pp. 100-106.

(33) Chosun llbo, January, 3, 2003.

(34) Many Koreans employed in the private sector feel pressured to resign once they reach the age of 45 (DongA llbo, September 9, 2003, B2).

(35) Carol Ann Traut and Steven H. Feimer, "Hanging On or Fading Out?: Job Satisfaction and the Long-Term Worker," Public Personnel Management, 2000, 29(3): 343-351.

(36) Coutu, Diane L., "The Anxiety of Learning," Harvard Business Review (March, 2002), pp. 100-106.

(37) Dutton, Jane E., Peter J. Frost, Monica C. Worline, Jacoba M. Lilius, and Jason M. Kanov, "Leading in the Times of Trauma," Harvard Business Review (January, 2002), pp. 55-61.

FSOs assigned to "hardship posts" including Seoul are paid more than their colleagues in other posts. The Working Group at the State Department has been trying to "a) make service at hardship posts less of a hardship or b) better reward employees who complete hardship tours" (AFSA President Update: December 13, 2002). On the contrary, such a context-specific compensation scheme excludes LES working for the US government at the hardship posts. LES are paid according to the compatible local pay scale. Once the job description is determined, the management finds the matching job categories in the local market. Under the job-matching schema, the employer uses the local pay rate as the comparative reference base. The rule of thumb in determining LES compensation has been at the 50th percentile of the wage range in the same job category as specified in Watson Wyatt's Compensation Report (Watson Wyatt Data Services 2001).

Author

Mikyoung Kim, Ph.D.

Fulbright Visiting Professor

Portland State University

101 East Hall

632 SW Hall Street

Portland, Oregon, 97207

U.S.A.

Phone: 503-725-3455

E-mail: mkkim_33@hotmail.com

Dr. Mikyoung Kim is a Fulbright Visiting Professor at Portland State University in Portland, Oregon. She received a Ph.D. in Sociology at the University of Georgia in 1998. She is currently working on two book manuscripts in English, From Rural Village to Urban Factory: The South Korean Women Workers' Lived Experiences as Social Historic, and Oral History of North Korean Women: Past, Present and Future. A book manuscript in Korean, A Self-Reflexive Journey, is currently under review. She has published numerous articles with professional journals.