Visual differences in U.S. and Chinese television commercials.

Advertisers and researchers have long been fascinated by the peculiarities and commonalities in advertising appeals between Western and Eastern societies. Within this interest area, one stream of research focuses on the cultural values conveyed in advertisements, while another concentrates on

the narrative styles effective in the contexts of different societies (Cheng 1994; Cheng and Schweitzer 1996; Hong, Muderrisoglu, and Zinkhan 1987). Among these comparative studies, however, few have attended to the visual appeals embedded in commercials created in occidental and oriental markets. In fact, within the advertising and marketing literature, no research to our knowledge has investigated prevalent visual characteristics in television commercials such as visual storytelling and cinematography. This exploratory study takes an initial step in that direction. Such research is significant in that it will inform us of any visual discrepancies in different cultures, reveal diverse means of visual manipulations, and, on the practical side, enlighten international marketers who conduct culturally based advertising campaigns, which have been proven to be more effective than "generalized" advertising campaigns (Mueller 1994; Taylor, Miracle, and Wilson 1997).

The paucity of research on visual characteristics is unfortunate, given that visuals in television commercials play a crucial role in determining effectiveness. Many researchers believe that the power of advertising is conveyed in visuals, which are more concise and more easily and quickly processed than verbal language (Berger 1998; Lester 2000). Barry (1997) argues that image advertising touches the human primal sense of being because all images are by nature gestalts that have the potential to imply more than the sum of their parts. Indeed, visuals in today's advertising are ubiquitous. In 30 seconds, ads strive to offer us a compelling reason to consider the product, typically by tapping viewers' aesthetic sensibilities and cultural affinity. Necessarily, they call for effective storytelling, creative means to reach consumers' hearts, and insightful abstractions to convey meanings larger than the ads themselves.

Of the research conducted on the visual content of commercials, one focus is on images that could help to sell products and their social influences (Harrison 2000; Kelly et al. 2000; Reichert 2003). Another line of research is generally qualitative, examining visuals as rhetorical devices in advertising (Scott 1994; Stafford, Spears, and Hsu 2003). In addition, most of these studies used magazine ads as their units of analysis. In the studies that examined television commercials, the researchers mainly focused on the effects of visual content and its interaction with verbal information (Pryor and Knupfer 1997; Slater et al. 2002). Specific storytelling and cinematographic techniques were not explored.

It is equally important, however, to consider the "execution" of ads, that is, how messages are communicated to the audience, especially through visual production techniques (Cho et al. 1999). This lack of knowledge compels us to examine the application of various visual narratives in television commercials. As technology evolves, visual communicators have increasing means of manipulation to persuade consumers to buy products (Barry 1997).

For comparative purposes, we chose the United States and China to represent two types of cultures that were of theoretical import to this study, that is, low-context versus high-context and individualistic versus collectivistic cultures. The selection process also took into account the phonological and logographic nature of the English and Chinese languages, because people of the latter are believed to rely more on visuals for information (Tavassoli and Lee 2003). In addition, the two countries represented two extremes in terms of advertising maturity. In 2003, the total amount of advertising spending in the United States reached $148 billion, which comprised 45% of total world ad expenditure (Zenith Media Publications 2003). In contrast, in China, total advertising spending in 2002 was a meager $11.3 billion (China Advertising Association 2002).

HIGH-CONTEXT VERSUS LOW-CONTEXT CULTURES

It is assumed that people in different societies both perceive and utilize visual images in accordance to the norms and values of their own culture. Theoretically, visual images are both agents and artifacts of human behaviors within a society (Newton 2001). This study used cultural differences as a theoretical starting point to rationalize the visual categories.

Contextuality is a construct often used to describe global cultural differences. There are high-context (HC) cultures and low-context (LC) cultures, between which exist significant differences in how people relate to informational content, in particular information that is implicit or explicit. In LC cultures, most information is vested within explicit codes, such that things are spelled out as concisely and thoroughly as possible (Hall and Hall 1987). For example, messages are explicit, and there is considerable dependence on what is actually said or written. In contrast, high-context culture is one in which the communicators assume a great amount of shared knowledge and views, so that less explanation is necessary. In HC cultures, intimate human relationships, social hierarchy, and social norms all influence human communication, rather than the message alone. Chinese consumers belong to a high-context cultural group that is characterized by the use of symbolism and nonverbal and indirect verbal expressions, whereas the United States and most western European countries are considered LC countries accustomed to explicit information and direct speech that is less reflective (Hall and Hall 1987; Zandpour, Chang, and Catalano 1992).

Advertising content is heavily influenced by the culture in which it is created. Some researchers using the high/low context demarcation have confirmed that context can be a predictor of advertising content (Cho et al. 1999; Lin 2001). Miracle and his colleagues, for example, found that advertising in a high-context culture frequently used affective elements to establish context, whereas advertising in a low-context culture often used direct or even confrontational statements to differentiate products (Miracle, Chang, and Taylor 1992; Miracle, Taylor, and Chang 1992). Other researchers have also pointed to the instinctive and reflective nature of high-context culture, and found that its advertising regularly employed indirect messages, used more visual cues, and stressed depth rather than breath, whereas advertising in low-context cultures was more likely to use unequivocal messages and stress breadth rather than depth as it aimed for explicit communication (Lin 1993; Roth 1992; Tai and Pae 2002).

INDIVIDUALISM VERSUS COLLECTIVISM

Sociologists also use the concepts of individualism and collectivism to differentiate cultures (Hofstede 1980). In individualist cultures, uniqueness and self-determination are valued. People who show initiative or work well independently are admired. Collectivism, on the other hand, is marked by closely linked individuals who see themselves belonging to one or more collectives and are inclined to give priority to the goals of the groups before their own. Collectivist societies expect individuals to identify with and work well in groups; the group offers protection in exchange for loyalty and compliance (Earley and Gibson 1998; Triandis 1995). Research has shown, for example, that a difference on the individualism-collectivism dimension represents a primary distinction between Chinese and American cultures (Chan 1986; Ho 1979). Historically, as a collectivistic culture, China has emphasized the importance of family, social interests, and collective actions, while de-emphasizing personal goals and accomplishments (Li 1978; Oh 1976). The United States, on the other hand, is known for its rugged individualism, and the belief that each person is an entity separate from others and the group (Spence 1985).

Previous research has demonstrated that this individualism and collectivism framework has important implications for the content of advertisements. Content analyses of magazine advertisements, for example, suggest that Korean ads tend to use more collectivistic appeals, whereas U.S. ads tend to use more individualistic appeals (Han and Shavitt 1994). Similar results were found in Japanese versus U.S. ads (Javalgi, Cutler, and Malhotra 1995).

HYPOTHESES

Two sets of hypotheses are proposed in this investigation. First, the concept of cultural context is used to examine visual characteristics variables. These include visual story line, visual comparison, visual identification, pacing, subjective camera (in which the camera assumes the perspective of the viewer), and direct address (where a character speaks directly to the camera). These variables have been used to study television news dramatization, a concept akin to creating a television commercial within a limited time (Grabe and Zhou 2003; Grabe, Zhou, and Barnett 2001). Second, the concept of individualism-collectivism is used to test the second set of variables that are related to the manifestation of cultures, with a comparison of such factors as emphasis on history and tradition, as well as group consensus.

Storytelling

As previously discussed, emphasis in a low-context culture is on what is explicitly expressed and presented. Communication is considered optimum if ideas are clearly and thoroughly stated, whereas in a high-context culture, expressions can be more ambiguous. To measure the completeness of information, we designed a variable to see whether the visuals of a commercial present a complete story line with a beginning, a middle, and an end. Obviously, the shortest way to a direct story in a commercial is to juxtapose a series of shots such that the story is self-evident. A visual story line is defined as a complete shot sequence, which shows a problem solved without the aid of audio information. For example, a beer commercial would be considered to have a complete visual story when a man is shown in a grocery store checkout without enough money to pay for his two selected items and finally decides to buy the beer instead of the toilet paper. We expect commercials in a low-context culture to utilize more visually direct stories. Hence:

H1a: U.S. ads feature more complete visual story lines than do Chinese ads.

Another approach to present explicit and direct information is to use direct product comparisons, so that the strength and weakness of the product and its competition are clearly spelled out. Cheng (1994) indicates that Western advertising emphasizes the specific merits of a product, whereas advertising in high-context cultures is less likely to do so. High-context cultures also encourage the avoidance of direct comparisons to maintain consensus and harmony (Miracle, Taylor, and Chang 1992). For example, Steward and Furse (1986) found that U.S. ads often used direct statements and sometimes used confrontational comparisons to differentiate brands. It is therefore hypothesized:

H1b: U.S. ads use more direct, visual product comparisons than do Chinese ads.

Because LC cultures typically offer more explicit information to convey thoughts and actions more concretely (Hall and Hall 1987), it stands to reason that to avoid confusion, such information should be stated as soon as possible by quickly acknowledging the brand names so the audience will know what products are being advertised. Past research also indicated that Japanese commercials were more likely than U.S. commercials to acknowledge brand names (Miracle, Taylor, and Chang 1992). We therefore hypothesize:

H1c: U.S. ads visually identify brand names earlier in the commercial than do Chinese ads.

To include as much information as possible in a commercial, producers must also use as many shots as possible in a given time span. This means that in a low-context culture, pacing, as measured by the average duration of a shot, may be faster than in a high-context culture. Previous empirical studies also indicate that pacing in U.S. programming is faster, and that such pacing is often used to maintain viewers' attention (Lang et al. 1999; Lang et al. 2000). On the other hand, consumers in high-context countries are apt to derive additional meanings from the embedded cues within a commercial; shot durations therefore need to be longer in order for consumers to process all of the cues in each shot, which means slower pacing. For example, in his 1987 study, Miracle found that Japanese ads spent considerable time establishing context, a finding confirmed by a later study (Miracle, Taylor, and Chang 1992). Thus:

H1d: Pacing is faster in U.S. ads than in Chinese ads.

An interesting technique in television is the subjective shot, in which the camera simulates the perspective of the viewer. Normally, the camera assumes the perspective of an objective observer by showing viewers the objects and activities in the visual field. With the subjective camera, however, viewers' involvement becomes mandatory because they are no longer just observers of the event. In television advertising, the subjective camera is often used to "lead" viewers to a presentation of the explicit virtues of an advertised product, a typical practice in a low-context culture, where messages are clearly articulated (Wells 1987). A high-context culture, however, does not lend itself well to this exploratory technique, as much is assumed in the context, inviting less need for an explicit enumeration through the subjective camera lens. Thus:

H1e: U.S. ads use more subjective camera images than do Chinese ads.

Another camera technique is the direct address, in which the actor or endorser speaks directly to the viewer (the camera). Messaris (1994) described this form of camera work as a part of "paraproximics," a resemblance to real-world experience through the skillful use of production means. With direct address, real-world physical closeness and psychological intimacy give the audience a sense of intimacy with an onscreen character. This can be a means to cultivate dependency, a characteristic of collectivistic cultures, where individualism is viewed relatively negatively. The direct address is an effort to establish rapport between the addresser and the addressees (Grabe, Zhou, and Barnett 2001), and to foster trust and knowledge that each party should depend on each other (Miracle 1987). In contrast, in an individualistic country such as the United States, efforts to craft such dependency are relatively unimportant. Hence:

H1f: U.S. ads use fewer direct-address images than do Chinese ads.

Culture Manifestations

Examining monochronicism (i.e., orienting to one direction in terms of time) and culture, Pan and his colleagues (1994) found that people in the United States are oriented more toward the future, whereas traditional Chinese culture is more receptive toward tradition, where high context is derived. Past-oriented societies are concerned with traditional values and ways of doing things. They tend to be conservative in management and slow to change when things are tied to the past. Following this rationale, we hypothesize:

H2a: U.S. ads show less veneration of history/tradition than do Chinese ads.

Evidence suggests that ads in individualistic cultures place a high premium on being unique, independent, successful, and self-fulfilling, whereas their counterparts in collectivistic cultures emphasize interdependence, family integrity, and group well-being (Belk and Bryce 1986; Han and Shavitt 1994; Miracle, Taylor, and Chang 1992; Mueller 1987). We therefore expect that visuals in an individualistic culture will display more individuals and fewer group images.

H2b: U.S. ads show fewer group images than do Chinese ads.

METHOD

Sampling

Three national television channels from the influential Chinese Central Television Station (CCTV), the only national network in China, were selected for this study. These three channels were CCTV1, CCTV2, and CCTV5. CCTV1 is a comprehensive channel with news and entertainment, CCTV2 is an economic and lifestyle channel, and CCTV5 is a sports channel. Three national networks in the United States--CBS, A&E, and ESPN--were chosen for their respective similarities to the three Chinese channels. CBS was selected randomly among four networks (ABC, CBS, NBC, and Fox), while A&E and ESPN were chosen because CCTV2 and CCTV5 were modeled after them.

The researchers recorded four weeks of prime-time programs from these Chinese and U.S. stations, with the first week beginning May 20, 2001, and ending on July 7, 2001. Programs were recorded every other week. The time blocks for the samples were from 8:00 P.M. to 10:00 P.M. on every recording day. Rotation principle was used to maximize the representation of commercials aired by these three channels (Katz and Lee 1992). For example, on May 20, CCTV1 was recorded from 8:00 P.M. to 9:00 P.M., and CCTV2 was recorded from 9:00 P.M. to 10:00 P.M. On the next day, CCTV5 was recorded from 8:00 P.M. to 9:00 P.M., and CCTV1 was recorded from 9:00 P.M. to 10:00 P.M. During the two-month sampling period, 56 hours of programs were recorded. The same procedure was followed when recording U.S. programs. Overall, 400 randomly selected ads from these programs were used. Repeated ads were deleted from the sample to maximize diversity and to increase external validity.

Within the sample, frequently advertised products were auto and auto parts (15.5% in the United States versus 6.5% in China); food and drink (14.5% in the United States versus 19.0% in China); medicine (6.0% in the United States versus 18.5% in China); and beauty and personal care (11.5% in the United States versus 8.0% in China). U.S. ads featured considerably more services and retailers (30% versus 4.5% of Chinese ads). In contrast, household appliance ads occupied one-fourth of the sampled Chinese ads, but only 2.0% of U.S. ads. These differences were likely a function of the different stages of economic development and income levels of the two countries. We were mindful of these differences and their possible implications for external validity. However, the categories we examined were general production techniques, which were equally applicable to all kinds of ads.

Coding Instrument

A visual story line was conceptually defined as a sequence of shots that told a complete story. In the actual coding process, coders purposely turned off the audio track to examine the shots in a commercial. If the visual story showed a beginning, a middle, and an end, or if the visuals showed a problem or conflict resolved, the commercial was coded as a complete visual story. If one of these components was missing, it was coded otherwise.

Coders decided that a visual comparison was present if two competing products and their features were either displayed through split screen or juxtaposed alternatively or in subsequent shots. The main point is that there were at least two products, or two versions of the same product, displayed in the visuals for the purpose of clarifying strengths and weaknesses.

In terms of product acknowledgement, coders evenly divided a commercial into three parts based on time, and coded whether the brand name appeared in the first, second, or last third of the commercial.

Pacing was measured as the average duration of shots (in seconds) by counting the total number of shots and dividing them against the total duration of all ads. A shot was defined as the duration between the onset and ending of camera recording. Usually there were transitions between shots, such as simple cuts, wipes, and dissolves. However, a shot that was continuous from a wide angle to a narrow angle, for example, was counted as one shot.

Subjective camera shots were counted when the perspective of the viewer was assumed by the camera lens. A typical example was a shot in which the camera followed the product spokesperson to verify the product, as in police shows where the camera follows law enforcement officers to a crime scene through the shaky camera so that viewers feel as if they are also on the chase. On the other hand, direct address was coded when a person in the commercial looked at and spoke directly to the camera, rather than interacting and speaking to other people in the commercial.

Veneration of history and tradition was coded as present when a shot showed historical events, sites, and people, or when a shot used traditional cultural symbols. In China, for instance, cultural symbols included dragons, a religious temple, or festival rites that were used to project the product.

A shot that showed at least three people was coded as a group image. A group image was counted only when the group was consistently in the shot for at least two-thirds of the time.

Reliability

To ensure reliability, two Chinese graduate students coded the entire Chinese sample and two American undergraduate seniors coded the entire U.S. sample. Their respective cultural backgrounds and knowledge arguably contributed to more informed coding decisions. Reliability was measured using Perreault and Leigh's (1989) estimate of reliability, which was more accurate than Cohen's [kappa] (Rust and Cooil 1994). Reliability was satisfactory with respect to all categories. For the Chinese sample, reliability estimates ranged from .94 to .99, with visual story line registering the lowest ([I.sub.r] = .94). Estimates of reliability for the U.S. sample were slightly lower, ranging from .89 to .99, again with visual story line the lowest (see Table 1). Cases of disagreement were noted and recoded by one of the authors. For analysis of those cases, data were entered based on the coding decisions of the majority.

RESULTS

Our first hypothesis predicted that U.S. ads contained more complete visual story lines than Chinese ads. Overall, 46.5% of all U.S. ads (93 out of 200) had visuals that could stand alone as a complete story, whereas 32% of all Chinese ads (64 out of 200) demonstrated a visual story. The difference in this category was significant, [chi square](1) = 8.82, p < .001, thus supporting H1a.

H1b was also confirmed--U.S. ads did use more direct product comparisons than Chinese commercials--but the frequencies were small. For example, only 4 Chinese ads used comparison appeals, whereas 14 U.S. ads used this strategy, [chi square](1) = 6.87, p < .05 (see Table 2). It should be pointed out that among the four Chinese ads using the comparison appeal, none of them named their competitors. Two of them used self-comparisons, highlighting the improvements of the new version over the old. The other two compared themselves with anonymous products. Several U.S. ads, however, openly disparaged their competitors.

H1c proposed that brand acknowledgement in U.S. ads would appear earlier in the commercial than in Chinese ads. The results supported this prediction, [chi square](2) = 25.84, p < .01 (see Figure 1). Overall, 48.5% of U.S. ads presented brandname images or symbols in the first third of the commercial, 25.2% in the second third, and 26.3% in the last third. For Chinese ads, 33.5% appeared in the first third, 15.5% in the second third, and 51.0% in the last third. As Figure 1 demonstrates, U.S. advertisers were inclined to introduce their brands as early as possible.

[FIGURE OMITTED]

H1d stated that the pacing of U.S. ads would be faster than that in Chinese ads. This difference was statistically significant, t(1,397) = -2.79, p < .01. Calculating the average duration for each shot appearing on screen, results revealed that the shots in U.S. ads lasted longer than shots in Chinese ads (United States, M = 2.66 seconds, SD = 2.88; Chinese, M = 2.05, SD = 1.67). This means that the pacing of U.S. ads was actually slower than Chinese ads, contrary to our hypothesis.

H1e predicted that U.S. ads used more subjective camera shots than Chinese ads. Results (see Table 2) showed that although more U.S. ads (16%) employed subjective shots than did Chinese ads (11%), the difference was not statistically significant, [chi square](1) = 2.14, p > .05. This hypothesis was therefore not supported.

H1f stated that U.S. ads would employ fewer direct-address shots than Chinese ads. This prediction was not supported either. Within the sample, 23.5% of Chinese ads had characters directly addressing the viewer, whereas 17.5% of U.S. ads used this approach. The difference was not significant, however (see Table 2).

H2a stated that U.S. ads would be less likely than Chinese ads to appeal to tradition and history as selling points. This hypothesis was supported. Indeed, only 1% of U.S. ads employed history or tradition as appeals, whereas 18.5% of Chinese ads used this approach, [chi square](1) = 34.62, p < .001.

Last, H2b predicted that U.S. ads would contain fewer group images than Chinese ads. This hypothesis was not supported. In fact, the results were opposite of the prediction. Overall, 65.5% of U.S. ads contained group images, 15.5% contained individual images, and 19% did not use any human images. The percentages from Chinese ads in this category were 46.5%, 23.5%, and 30%, respectively. The differences in this category were statistically significant, [chi square] (2) = 14.67, p < .01, albeit opposite of the prediction pattern.

CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSION

In response to the paucity of research in this area, the primary purpose of this study was to examine visual characteristics and visual values manifested in television commercials in different cultures. The categories designed for this study tapped into major sets of visual appeals embedded in commercials created in high- versus low-context cultures and in individualistic versus collectivistic societies. Results showed that discrepancies existed in both areas.

In terms of storytelling techniques, we hypothesized that in a low-context culture, commercials would be more likely to contain complete information, presented as early and as unequivocally as possible. The results appeared to confirm the validity of these claims to a certain extent. U.S. ads did present more complete visual stories, identified their brand names earlier, and used more, direct product comparisons than did Chinese ads. Regarding pacing, subjective camera shots, and direct address, however, such claims were not substantiated. No significant differences were detected in subjective camera shots and direct address between the two sets of commercials in the sample, and pacing was actually faster in Chinese ads than in U.S. ads, contrary to the proposed hypothesis.

In light of the results, we further scrutinized these storytelling variables. It seemed that the three variables--complete story line, comparison, and name acknowledgment--were staples of traditional storytelling techniques. In contrast, subjective camera, direct address, and pacing were cinematographic variables--framing a shot, framing a subject, and duration of the shot. In other words, cultural differences appear to manifest themselves more readily and apparently in more traditional approaches, but they might not translate as easily to technical production techniques. For the technical variables such as subjective camera, direct address, and pacing, efforts have to be made to infer the implications of these variables. The argument here is that cultural differences are not as easily encoded as technical variables, whose implications are more transient. On the other hand, arguments can also be made that advertising in any country contains a significant amount of value paradoxes (deMooij 1997). It is possible that a rapidly evolving Chinese advertising industry may have difficulty reconciling new and traditional values through these technical means (Shao, Raymond, and Taylor 1999). It is also possible that professionals in China have not yet realized the full capability of storytelling and technology.

As expected, tradition and history were used more often in Chinese ads than in U.S. ads. Heritage is certainly a large component of a high-context culture. Centuries of conventions and customs arguably enable the sharing of symbols and codes. Successful communication in these cultures depends on context--the understanding of historical events, traditional mores, and common beliefs shared by the majority of the society.

Contrary to our hypothesis, U.S. ads displayed more group images than Chinese ads. Originally, we hypothesized that group consensus is more desirable than individualism in a collectivistic society, and should be represented with a prevalence of group images, especially in a collectivistic culture such as China's. Three reasons may explain our findings. First, we suspect that this might be due to the brevity of a number of Chinese ads. For example, although the shortest U.S. ad was 10 seconds, 31 Chinese ads (15.5%) had a duration of only 5 seconds. In such a limited time, advertisers want to provide as much product information as possible, which caused the ad to be fast. A high proportion of these short ads featured only one character. The second likely explanation, however, lies in our understanding of individualism versus collectivism. We theorized that the former was driven by personal goals and the latter was group-oriented, which should translate into social interactions. The process may not be so simple, however. It is possible, for example, that individualism is best manifested in a group setting. When contrasts and comparisons between individuals are made, the personality of an individual stands out. As in many beer commercials in the United States, a person's choice of beer is often the sexual attractant in a crowded bar, because the individual's choice is different from others. Yet another explanation may be found in the literature of brand-image management. Some researchers argue that some brands have symbolic needs, in addition to functional and experiential ones (Park, Jaworksi, and MacInnis 1986). To project the symbolic value of a brand, advertisers may position an individual with a desired group to highlight a unique image (Roth 1992, 1995). Given its maturity, it's possible that U.S. advertising is particularly competent in this image-management technique, resulting in more group images, even though the message itself is individualistic in nature.

Results of this exploratory study showed that the field of visual characteristics remains a fertile one for research. Comparing different cultures and how cultural values are translated into visual differences is an endeavor that deserves more investigation. This investigation is a first step that examines the overall differences between the ads of two different societies. As such, this project is only an initial attempt to establish the causal connection between culture and visual differences. Future research may achieve more precision by making comparisons within brands. One possibility is to restrict sample commercials to transnational brands and to observe differences within brands in different societies to increase robustness of claims about cultural differences.

Like all content analyses, the results of this study remain descriptive. In other words, viewers' responses to those visual variables are unknown. Against the background of advertising globalization, it would be especially interesting to examine how viewers in a low-context country respond to the visual images from a high-context country, and vice versa. In this regard, discrepancies discovered in this study could serve as a valuable source of information for those interested in testing effects. At the very least, further empirical research is needed in this area, which is not only theoretically interesting, but bears many practical implications as well.

TABLE 1
Estimate of Reliability (Perrault and Leigh's [I.sub.r])

                                    U.S. sample     Chinese sample

Visual story lines                      .89              .94
Product comparison                      .99              .99
Brand identification                    .95              .98
Pacing                                  .92              .97
Subjective camera                       .91              .99
Direct address                          .95              .97
Veneration of history/tradition         .93              .99
Group images                            .99              .99

TABLE 2
Chi-square Statistics

                                  U.S. percentage   Chinese percentage

Visual story lines                46.5 (n = 93)       32.0 (n = 64)
Product comparison                 7.0 (n = 14)        2.0 (n = 4)
Brand acknowledgment
  (First one-third)               48.5 (n = 96)       33.5 (n = 67)
(Second two-thirds)               25.2 (n = 50)       15.5 (n = 31)
  (Last one-third)                26.3 (n = 52)       51.0 (n = 102)
Subjective camera                 16.0 (n = 32)       11.0 (n = 22)
Direct address                    17.5 (n = 35)       23.5 (n = 47)
Veneration of history/tradition    1.0 (n = 2)        18.5 (n = 37)
Group images                      65.5 (n = 131)      46.5 (n = 93)

                                   [chi square]    df    p value

Visual story lines                     8.82        1     .003 **
Product comparison                     6.87        1     .03 *
Brand acknowledgment                   25.84       2     .006 **
  (First one-third)
(Second two-thirds)
  (Last one-third)
Subjective camera                      2.14        1     .14
Direct address                         2.21        1     .14
Veneration of history/tradition        34.62       1     .00 **
Group images                           14.67       2     .001 ***

** p < .05.

** p < .01.

*** p < .01 (opposite of hypothesized direction).

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Shuhua Zhou (Ph.D., Indiana University) is an assistant professor in the Department of Telecommunication and Film, College of Communication and Information Sciences, University of Alabama.

Peiqin Zhou (Ph.D., University of Alabama) is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology, Nanjing University, Nanjing, People's Republic of China.

Fei Xue (Ph.D., University of Alabama) is an assistant professor in the School of Mass Communication and Journalism, University of Southern Mississippi.